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Volume 3, No. 12 December 2024 - (2798-2812)
p-ISSN 2980-4868 | e-ISSN 2980-4841
https://ajesh.ph/index.php/gp
Analysis of Victim Blaming Culture in Indonesia
Nadhira Putri Maharani
Manchester Metropolitan University, United Kingdom
Emails: nadhira-maharani@stu.mmu.ac.uk
ABSTRACT
The culture of victim blaming in sexual violence cases is a significant problem in Indonesia, influenced by
patriarchal culture and traditional norms. This study aims to analyze the influence of belief in the Just
World Assumption, acceptance of Modern Rape Myths, individual moral foundations, and views on the
culture of honor on victim blaming tendencies. This study used an experimental quantitative approach
involving 155 participants who were selected through valid questionnaires such as the Global Belief of
Just World Scale, Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression Scale, and Moral Foundation
Questionnaire. Regression analysis showed that acceptance of Modern Rape Myths and
Fairness/Reciprocity in Moral Foundation were the main predictors of victim blaming in Indonesia, while
factors such as Authority/Subversion, Purity/Sanctity, and honor culture had no significant influence. The
results of this study confirm the importance of a culture-based approach to reduce victim blaming culture
in Indonesia, involving stakeholders such as religious leaders and the media to effectively change people's
perceptions.
Keywords: Victim blaming, Indonesia, Acceptance of Modern Rape Myths, Moral Foundation Theory.
INTRODUCTION
Indonesia continuously faces a significant issue of sexual harassment. According to the
Indonesian National Commission on Violence Against Women, approximately 338,496 sexual
harassment incidents were recorded in 2021, marking a 50% increase from 2020 (Perempuan,
2021). Indonesians often more focus on blaming the victim rather than the perpetrator. Komnas
Perempuan claimed that the 10-year delay in the ratification of The Law on Sexual Violence
Crimes also perpetuated a continuous culture of victim blaming due to the lack of a legal
framework for victim protection (Perempuan, 2021).
Victim blaming stems from the rape myth, a false belief about rapists, victims, and the
assault itself (Burt, 1980). This phenomenon happens when victims are held accountable for their
misfortune and becomes a common reaction to sexual harassment cases. In Indonesia, a link was
found between the rise in victim blaming and a patriarchal culture due to power imbalances and
traditional gender roles (Hamdy & Hudri, 2022). In the patriarchal gender role, women are forced
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to be good wives and mothers within a male-dominated household while protecting their dignity.
When women fail to meet these expectations, including becoming victims of rape, they will be
stigmatised and judged due to an assumed inability to take care of themselves. Consequently,
this culture makes many victims refrain from reporting incidents due to fear of shame and social
stigma.
Since victim blaming culture has been normalised, numerous factors are recognised as
significant determinants of victim blaming. In Europe and the United States, The Just World
Belief, the Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression (AMMSA), the Moral
Foundation Theory and the Honour Culture are known to be the common predictor (Canto et al.,
2017). Despite extensive research has explored the correlation between these predictors with
victim blaming tendencies, there is still very limited finding on this issue in the Indonesian
context. Given the differences in traditional gender roles, for example how females, including
rape victims, are perceived as vulnerable in Indonesian culture (Hamdy & Hudri, 2022) whereas
in Western contexts, female victims are expected to show strength by resisting harassment
(Milesi & Alberici, 2019), makes this study aims to investigate this phenomenon in depth by
examining these variables within Indonesia context.
Just World Belief and Victim Blaming
The Just World Belief (JWB) emerges as one of the stronger predictors of victim blaming
culture. The Just World Belief (JWB) concept posits that the world is just and fair and
encompasses the idea that "people get what they deserve and deserve what they get” (Lerner &
Simmons, 1966). An innocent victim is considered an alarming threat to people who believe in
this assumption, thus they will reshape their perception towards a tragedy to convince
themselves that the victims deserve to be attacked or violated. As a result, JWB becomes a
justification for witnesses to belittle the harassment that the victim experienced, leading to
denial behaviour towards the victim's suffering which then perpetuates continuous unjust
behaviour (Lerner & Simmons, 1966). Due to this damaging nature to the victim, this assumption
needs to be addressed meticulously.
Just World Belief (JWB) can be demonstrated in various contexts of victim blaming; in the
case of revenge porn, it was argued that victims are often blamed for the non-consensual
publication of their inappropriate images, with the assertion that they should not have carelessly
engaged in sexual activity in the first place (Aborisade, 2022). This reflects another way used to
defend rape culture that is presented by the JWB framework, which perceives the world as a fair
place filled with justice and sexual offenders were not responsible for offending as the victim
brought the tragedy for themselves (Stubbs-Richardson et al., 2018). The implications of this
narrative could reinforce harmful social stigma as it’s normalised continuous rape victim blaming
culture. Moreover, research found that males with a stronger belief in the Just World are more
likely to judge victims negatively, while females with a weaker belief in a Just world are more
inclined to make negative judgments about victims. Theory also have claimed that victim blaming
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driven by JWB has long-term consequences for the victim, therefore, it is necessary to consider
all possible consequences. For instance, in the legal setting, it has been argued that jurors'
decisions are less likely to side with the victim, most likely due to the law institution's distorted
perspective of the victim (Foley & Pigott, 2000). As a result, this belief makes the victim feel guilty
rather than protected which then contributes to underreported sexual harassment.
Although a lot of prior research about the correlation between JWB and victim blaming
culture, most studies have been conducted from a Western perspective, particularly in the United
States. This narrow focus creates a gap in understanding of how JWB and victim blaming occurs
in non-Western cultural contexts. Given that cultural background and societal norms can
significantly influence the relationship between JWB and victim blaming, there is a need for
research conducted in another country, specifically in Indonesia, to provide a more
comprehensive and culturally relevant understanding of these dynamics to reduce the culture.
The Acceptance of the Modern Myth about Sexual Aggression and Victim Blaming
Rape myths have shown significant influence on societal perceptions of sexual harassment,
including the belief that victims are partly responsible for the assault (Ryan, 2019). Previous
research has defined rape myths as prejudiced, false beliefs or stereotypes about the victim, the
perpetrator, or the rape case itself (Burt, 1980). According to Grubb and Turner (2012), rape
myths are more beneficial to the perpetrators, as they justify sexual assaults and can create
biased versions of events that align with cultural stereotypes. For example, a common narrative
blames the victim for their attire, suggesting they 'asked' to be raped or excuses the perpetrator's
action due to their intoxicated state. Previous studies have found that Indonesia's patriarchal
culture of sexual objectification and ambivalent sexism is strongly correlated with the acceptance
of rape myths (Poerwandari et al., 2021). Additional factors, such as religious values and media
portrayal, also play a significant role in the acceptance of rape myths within the society. Other
research adds that in cultures where religion and norms are very important, any sexual activity,
whether intentional or unintentional, is considered immoral and punishable, leading to victims
being blamed for their misfortune instead of being protected (Avezahra & Chusniyah, 2022).
Furthermore, Indonesian media often focuses on the detail of the victim rather than the
perpetrator, thus justifies victim blaming by reinforcing rape (Avezahra & Chusniyah, 2022).
Hence, the normalisation of the rape myth leads to Rape Myth Acceptance, a cognitive distortion
that influences tendencies toward sexual aggression (Yapp & Quayle, 2018), which affect
perception bias, making the victim seems responsible for their unfortunate events while
diminishing the blame on the perpetrator.
In accordance with that, Rape Myth Acceptance (RMA) has been widely acknowledged in
European societies and is strongly correlated with hostile sexual beliefs (Burt, 1980). A study by
support this theory by showing people who scored highly on the RMA scale were more likely to
place more responsibility on the rape victim rather than the perpetrator. While the outcomes of
this scale were predictive, studies found some statistical drawbacks in utilizing RMA. Participants
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who completed the RMA questionnaire often chose the extreme endpoints of the scale, leading
to skewed results and reducing the precision of the scale. This issue complicates the evaluation
of the intervention's effectiveness. Therefore, an enhanced version of the Rape Myth Acceptance
(RMA), known as The Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression (AMMSA), was
developed (Gerger et al., 2007).
In AMMSA, a rape myth is described as a descriptive belief about sexual harassment that
justifies men's sexually aggressive behavior towards women, thereby promoting a victim-blaming
culture (Gerger et al., 2007). To measure the acceptance of modern rape myths and their
consequences, the AMMSA scale was constructed, providing a more refined tool for assessing
the issue, particularly in European countries (Gerger et al., 2007). Unlike RMA, a more subtle
questionnaire was established, featuring less direct and more general questions related to victim-
blaming beliefs rather than accusatory or straightforward ones, to reduce participant reluctance
in completing the questionnaire (Gerger et al., 2007). The result indicates that individuals who
score high on the AMMSA scale tend to shift their attention from the alleged perpetrator to the
victim when determining guilt and blame (Süssenbach et al., 2017). Unfortunately, similar to Just
World Belief, the normalisation of AMMSA also has legal consequences for rape victims, which is
shown by juror decision-making as jurors relied on general public decisions and perspectives
(Persson & Dhingra, 2022). Thus, it is important to explored AMMSA thoroughly to determine
the strategic solution to tackle the issue.
Although the impact has been recognized, the contemporary studies that examined the
correlation between AMMSA and victim blaming culture are limited in Asian countries, as this
approach is more prevalent in European countries such as Germany, Italy and Spain (Milesi et al.,
2020). Iran might be one of the very few Asia countries that have explored the positive
relationship between AMMSA and victim blaming culture. However, Iranian culture encompasses
distinct cultural and moral values, such as Qeirat (honor) and Namous (emotional response to a
threat), which likely influence decision-making processes on the AMMSA scale, creating a gap
with other Asian countries, including Indonesia, that have different cultural and moral values
(Atari et al., 2020). Consequently, deeper research investigating the correlation between AMMSA
and the victim blaming culture for rape cases specifically in Indonesia should be meticulously
conducted.
Moral Foundation Theory and Victim Blaming
Moral Foundation Theory (MFT) has been found to have an association with the perception
of a victim, including factors such as victim injury or victim stigmatization (Milesi et al., 2020).
MFT is a framework that conceptualizes and organizes moral systems by categorizing their origins
to provide society with an understanding of moral values from broader and more diverse
perspectives. Haidt (2008) divided Moral Foundation Theory into five foundations that consist of
(1) Harm/Care, (2) Fairness/Reciprocity, (3) Ingroup/Loyalty, (4) Authority/Subversion, and (5)
Purity/Sanctity. Each foundation serves a distinct purpose and is rooted in different origins.
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Harm/Care prioritizes compassion and goodwill, condemning aggression and inhumanity and
often occurs in liberal culture. Fairness/Reciprocity highlights justice, rights, well-being, and
protection and shows intentions to help outgroups in need. Ingroup/Loyalty focuses on
commitment and community trust. Any form of betrayal and cheating were condemned in this
foundation. Authority/Subversion revolves around hierarchy and social structure, promoting
admiration and obedience, and those who contradict the system will be considered immoral.
Lastly, Purity/Sanctity is common in conservative environments that prioritize virginity as the
highest value of sexual activity and is closely linked to religious values and moral boundaries
(Adiputra et al., 2022). Women usually scored higher in Harm/Care, Fairness/Reciprocity and
Purity/Sanctity foundations in the Moral Foundation questionnaires as these foundations
endorse more empathetic behaviour (Graham et al., 2011).
Each foundation of MFT was classified into an individualizing and binding foundation
(Davies et al., 2014). The individualizing foundation encompasses Harm/Care and
Fairness/Reciprocity foundations which focus on safeguarding individual rights (Graham et al.,
2011). On the contrary, the other three foundations that are part of binding foundations are
more leaning toward protecting collective or community rights (Graham et al., 2011). Moreover,
binding foundations in MFT are known to be interconnected to victim blaming culture as this
foundation is closely linked to rape myth acceptance. Among the three binding foundations of
MFT, Authority/Subversion is the foundation most strongly associated with the rape myth
acceptance and the victim blaming culture in Western countries (i.e. Europe and the USA).
Authority/Subversion accentuates admiration for social hierarchies and structure (Baboli &
Karimi-Malekabadi, 2020) which is closely tied to benevolent sexism and traditional gender roles
and often result in blaming female victims of rape (Maria L Vecina & Piñuela, 2017).
While existing research has established the connection between MFT and victim blaming,
it frequently focuses on Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) context (María L Vecina & Chacón, 2021)
and shows a significant gap, as it overlooks other forms of sexual harassment, such as stranger
or acquaintance rape, where moral foundations may contribute differently. Moreover, most
studies are based on Western populations which creates questions on how the findings will differ
in non-Western contexts. Indonesia's diverse cultural and religious values may have distinct
perspective related to how MFT is linked to victim blaming. As suggested, the Moral Codes or
Moral Foundations of other countries may differ significantly from or even conflict with Western
Moral Foundations (Rai & Fiske, 2011). Thus, this research aims to fill these gaps by examining
how MFT correlates with victim blaming in cases of stranger/acquaintance rape from the
Indonesian citizens' point of view.
Honour Culture and Victim Blaming
In controversial situations, an individual's reaction and perception of an incident are varied
depending on several factors. The CuPS (Cultural x Person x Situation) approach was proposed to
highlight how cultural background, situational context, and personality traits psychologically
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correlate with an individual's behavior toward an incident (Leung & Cohen, 2011). Culture can
be categorised into face culture, dignity culture and honour culture (Leung & Cohen, 2011). Each
culture emphasizes different subjects and values, which affect the individual way to perceive and
respond to any issue. Face culture focuses on the importance of maintaining social harmony
modesty, humility, and self-control within the hierarchical structure (Kim & Cohen, 2010). Dignity
culture relies on regulation and systems by the institution, ensuring that individuals in this culture
are equally protected and governed by the legal system (Leung & Cohen, 2011). Honour culture
is centred on the significance of managing an individual's reputation to determine their self-
worth, where an individual's value is closely associated with how other people perceive them
(Nisbett, 2018). The difference between cultures influences an individual's tolerance towards
aggression and justification towards offending behaviour.
It has been claimed that the Honour Culture is associated with victim-blaming tendencies,
as individuals within this culture may go to great lengths, including blaming the victim, to protect
their dignity and avoid the stigma of being labeled as a perpetrator, which could harm their
reputation (Canto et al., 2017). In addition, those who adhere to the Honour Culture tend to
exhibit a higher prevalence of domestic and sexual violence toward women, as this behavior is
often perceived as a way to "man up" and protect their pride (Brown et al., 2018). Thus, this
culture also can predict the prevalence of aggressive reactions when individuals feel their honour
is violated as shown in Mediterranean and West Asian countries.
In Indonesia, honour holds great importance that puts reputation and social standing as
priority (Yao et al., 2017). In some subcultures, like the Bugis, the customary law called Siri' that
differentiates positive Siri' (honour) and negative Siri' (shame). While maintaining Siri' is mainly
a male duty, Bugis people put women's sexuality as the most notable source of shame that
potentially leads to negative Siri'. To protect their honour, Indonesians are more likely to remain
silent or address issues within close circles to preserve harmony and protect their dignity
(Magnis-Suseno, 1984). It is necessary to examine whether there is a link between the Indonesian
traditional value of honour, its traditional way of protecting and its contribution to a culture of
victim blaming like other countries since no study has yet explored how these factors affect victim
blaming in rape cases. Thus, comprehensive research is needed to explore how Indonesia's
honour culture impacts victim blaming, which could help develop culturally sensitive
interventions.
Based on the background that has been described, the purpose of this study is to analyze
the influence of belief in the Just World Assumption, acceptance of Modern Rape Myths,
individual moral foundations, and views on the culture of honor on the tendency to blame victims
of sexual violence in Indonesia. The benefit of this research is to provide sustainable solutions to
reduce the culture of victim blaming in Indonesia, especially in cases of sexual violence, so that it
can support the creation of a more just and inclusive society.
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RESEARCH METHOD
Design
To determine the relationship between the predictors of victim blaming including the
Moral Foundation, Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression, Belief in a Just World
and Honour Culture, an experimental quantitative research design is implemented in this study.
This research utilized The Global Belief of Just World Scale (GBJWB), The Acceptance of Modern
Myths about Sexual Aggression (AMMSA) Scale, the Moral Foundation Questionnaire (MFQ-30),
and the Masculine Honour Belief Scale that were selected for their proven reliability in previous
research and their suitability for exploring the relationship between the independent and
dependent variables in this study.
Ethical Approval
This research has been approved by the Manchester Metropolitan University Ethical Board
in July 2024.
Participants
A priori Power Analysis was conducted using G*Power Software (Version 3.1; Faul et al.,
2007) indicating that a sample size of approximately 155 is required to robustly test the study
hypothesis. Therefore, 155 Indonesian citizens residing in the UK and Indonesia were recruited
to participate in this research through a poster shared on the official Instagram profile of the
Indonesian Student Association Official in Greater Manchester.
Materials
Global Belief of Just World Scale (GBJWS)
The Global Belief of Just World Scale (GBJWS) is a widely recognized and validated
instrument developed and originated from Lerner's Just World Belief (JWB). GBJWS indicates a
high level of internal consistency = .93) (Reich & Wang, 2015). This scale comprises a 7-item
Likert scale, ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree), the high score indicates
participants' high belief in the Just World assumption. The items including "I feel that people get
what they are entitled to have" and "I feel that rewards and punishments are fairly given".
The Acceptance of the Modern Myth of Sexual Aggression Scale
The Acceptance of the Modern Myth of Sexual Aggression (AMMSA), developed by (Gerger
et al., 2007) was also administered. This scale contains 30 items with 7 Likert scales, ranging from
1 (completely disagree) to 7 (completely agree) and indicates strong internal consistency = .90)
(Gerger et al., 2007). Participants with higher score suggests more acceptance towards a modern
rape myth. AMMSA was chosen as this questionnaire was proven to be less straightforward or
accusatory compared to the previous Rape Myth Acceptance scale (Gerger et al., 2007).
Moral Foundation Questionnaire - 30 (MFQ-30)
The English version of the Moral Foundation Questionnaire (MFQ-30) consists of 32 items,
asking participants to rate their relevancy of the given statement on a scale from 0 (not at all
relevant) to 5 (extremely relevant). MFQ-30 has shown solid internal reliability = .84). This
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questionnaire was separated into two parts, the first part will examine participants' relevancy
when making a moral decision (i.e. "Whether or not someone suffered emotionally) and the
second part will see their agreement with the given statement (i.e Justice is the most important
requirement for a society). Every MFT foundation questions are scored separately to determine
an individual's tendency in each foundation (Graham et al., 2011).
The Masculine Honour Belief (MHB)
The Masculine Honour Belief scale was developed and introduced by (Saucier et al., 2015).
This questionnaire comprises 35 items with 5 subscales that encompass provocation, masculine
courage, protection, virtue, pride in manhood, socialisation, family, and community bond.
Overall, this scale demonstrates a strong internal consistency = .90) (Saucier et al., 2015). To
score this questionnaire, all the contrary questions were reverse scored and the higher the
average score is, the higher the participants' tendency to adhere to honour culture (Saucier et
al., 2015).
Case Vignette
A case vignette was used to explore participants' tendencies in victim blaming within a
given scenario. The scenario used was adapted from Abram et al. (2003) and required
participants to rate their reaction towards the rape scenario on a scale from 1 (not at all) to 7
(completely). This case vignette has shown a solid internal consistency = .81). To make this
scenario more appropriate to the Indonesian participants, the character names were modified to
ensure cultural relevance.
Procedure
Participants were recruited through the online advertisement posted on the official
Instagram account of the Indonesian Student Association in Greater Manchester. 155 Indonesian
citizens residing in the UK and Indonesia who were willing to take part in the questionnaire
accessed the series of questionnaires in the designated Qualtrics link. Before completing the
questionnaire, participants were required to read the Participants Information Sheet (PIS) and
provide consent through the same Qualtrics link. Upon agreeing to participate in the study,
participants proceeded to complete the questionnaires, which comprise the Global Belief in Just
World Scale (GBJWS), the Acceptance of Modern Myth about Sexual Aggression (AMMSA) scale,
the Moral Foundation Questionnaire (MFQ-30), the Masculine Honour Belief Scale and the Case
Vignette scenario. All instruments were selected for established validity and reliability by
previous research. After submission, participants were redirected to the debriefing sheet,
containing essential information, including the contact number of emergency mental health
services contacts in the UK and Indonesia.
The data gathered through Qualtrics will be examined using multiple regression in SPSS to
determine the result of the relationship between the continuous independent variables and their
impact on the dependent variables, which can be visualized through scatterplots. This analysis
aims to investigate what factors underlie the culture of victim blaming in Indonesia, with the
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main objective of finding an effective practical solution to reduce the prevalence of victim
blaming culture in the daily context.
RESULT AND DISCUSSION
155 participants completed the questionnaire with 62 male participants (40.0%) and 93
female participants (60.0%). For the location, 46 participants (29.7%) reside in the United
Kingdom and 109 participants are based in Indonesia (70.3%). A multiple linear regression
analysis was utilised to investigate the correlation between independent variables, including
Moral Foundation Theory, The Belief in a Just World, Acceptance of the Modern Myth of Sexual
Aggression, and Honour Culture with victim blaming as the dependent variable. The assumption
(linearity, independence, homoscedasticity, and multicollinearity) checks were conducted before
doing the regression analysis and the result indicates that the assumption was met (See Appendix
7.6).
After confirming that all assumptions were met, a multiple regression model was
undertaken. The result indicates an overall correlation F(8, 146) = 15.35, p < .001 with an =
[.46] and adjusted = [.43] and 47% of the variance in predicting victim blaming. The analysis
suggests that the primary predictor of victim blaming culture among Indonesian citizens both in
the UK and in Indonesia are the Aggression of Modern Myth in Sexual Aggression (β = .49 t(146)
= 3.90, p <.001) and the Fairness/Reciprocity foundation of Moral Foundation Questionnaire (B =
-.28) t(-.146) = -2.24, p <.05). Specifically, an increase in the AMMSA and a decrease in the
Fairness/Reciprocity scale values correspond to increases in victim blaming, with 95% CIs of
[0.033, 0.101] and [-0.429, -0.025], respectively.
Interestingly, the foundation that was initially expected to be the significant factor the
Authority/Subversion of Moral Foundation Theory (β = -.01) t(146) = -.09, p >.05) and the Global
Belief in Just World Scale = -.14 t(146) = -1.17, p > .05) as well as the Harm/Care foundation
(β = -.05) t(146) =.60, p >.05), The Purity/Sanctity foundation of Moral Foundation Questionnaire
= .18) t(146) = 1.95, p >.001) and the Honour Culture = 0.2) t(146) = 1.8, p >.001) do not
significantly correlate with the occurrence of victim blaming culture in Indonesia. Meanwhile, the
Ingroup/Loyalty aspect of the Moral Foundation Theory shows that this foundation can decrease
the inclination of victim blaming (β = .07) t(146) = 77., p >.05). The result demonstrates that only
the hypothesis that claimed AMMSA and one aspect of Moral Foundation theory,
Fairness/Reciprocity foundation, as the main predictor of victim blaming is proven in this study.
Refer to Table 1. for further details.
Table 1. Regression Table
Predictor
β
t
p
(Constant)
3.854
<.001
MFQ Harm/Care
0.050
0.540
0.590
MFQ Fairness/Reciprocity
-0.270
-2.224
0.028
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Predictor
β
t
p
MFQ Ingroup/Loyalty
0.069
0.769
0.443
MFQ Authority/Subversion
-0.006
-0.088
0.930
MFQ Purity/Sanctity
0.179
1.950
0.053
Just World Belief
-0.139
-1.167
0.245
Acceptance of Modern Myth about
Sexual Aggression
0.483
3.891
<.001
Masculine Honour Belief
0.203
1.802
0.074
To summarize, this study confirms that the regression model was appropriate for examining
the interrelationships between predictors of victim blaming culture. The results highlight the
hypothesis that The Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression and the
Fairness/Reciprocity foundation of Moral Foundation Theory, in shaping attitudes towards
victims is approved. Therefore, addressing these moral foundations and beliefs is necessary to
reduce victim blaming in Indonesia.
In Indonesia, incidents of sexual harassment are rising annually, thus understanding, and
addressing this issue is crucial to mitigate the phenomenon. The normalisation of victim blaming
as a common reaction in Indonesian sexual harassment cases motivates the researcher to explore
its underlying factors and to develop strategies to prevent and reduce such occurrences. Victim
blaming in Indonesia is strongly influenced by its conservative and patriarchal culture. This
culture often places responsibility on women and blames them for their inability to protect
themselves (Hamdy & Hudri, 2022); (Kartika, 2019). As a result, rape victims face social stigma,
as being raped is viewed as shameful and immoral. Moreover, the lack of a strong legal
framework and institutional support worsens the issue, leaving many cases unreported (Adiputra
et al., 2022).
Interestingly, cultural differences between Indonesia and Western countries create a
difference in the result of predictors with previous studies. For instance, the traditional gender
roles, play a significant part in the perception towards victims. In Indonesia, women, including
female victims are often seen as vulnerable (Hamdy & Hudri, 2022). While in Western cultures,
female victims are expected to resist harassment (Milesi & Alberici, 2019). These different
expectations lead to varied research findings. The result of this study exhibits how the
Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression (AMMSA) and the Fairness/Reciprocity
foundation from Moral Foundation theory are the only significant predictors of victim blaming in
Indonesia. Meanwhile, the Authority/Subversion foundation and Just World Belief, that
previously considered strong predictors, as well as The Purity/Sanctity and the Harm/Care
foundation of MFT and the Culture of Honour do not significantly impact the victim blaming
culture in the country. Hence, understanding these cultural factors is crucial for developing
solutions that fit Indonesia’s unique context.
The finding shows AMMSA as the most significant predictor of victim blaming in
Indonesia. This finding aligns with the suggestion that Indonesia's patriarchal culture often
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objectifies women, thereby promoting the acceptance of rape myths (Poerwandari et al., 2021).
Such acceptance shapes people's cognitive and behavioural responses, influencing their
perceptions of sexual harassment severity and promoting victim blaming. Additionally, religious
values also affect rape myth acceptance in Indonesian society. It has been added that in cultures
where religion and norms hold significant importance, any sexual activity, whether consensual
or not, is perceived as immoral. This often leads to victims being blamed for their actions or
appearance rather than being protected, as they are believed to have violated religious rules
(Avezahra & Chusniyah, 2022). The way of media portrays victims of rape, focusing on their
attributes, also makes the rape myth acceptance become a common occurrence that exacerbates
victim blaming in Indonesia (Avezahra & Chusniyah, 2022). This suggests that Indonesian’s strong
tendency in accepting rape myth due to its strong belief in cultural norms and religious values
influences their inclination to do victim blaming.
This research indicates that, unlike earlier studies that highlighted the importance of
Authority/Subversion, Fairness/Reciprocity plays more crucial role in victim blaming in Indonesia.
The Fairness/Reciprocity foundation is based on justice principles that emphasise human rights,
justice, and protection. It was found that women are more likely to score highly in this
foundation, demonstrating greater empathy for others (Graham et al., 2011). Given the majority
of this study are female, the outcome reflects how participants feel towards or as the victim of
rape and the injustice felt by Indonesian women, who are often seen as inferior in a patriarchal
society. Differences in study subjects also influence these findings. While previous research
focused on Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) and found a significant link between
Authority/Subversion and victim blaming (María L Vecina & Chacón, 2021), this study examines
acquaintance/stranger rape, highlighting more about gender inequality.
The gender of the participants also affects the rejected hypothesis about Just World.
Studies show that women tend to believe less in a Just World and empathise more with victims,
while men are more likely to judge victims negatively. This demonstrates how the female
perspective can influence the likelihood of not using the Just World Belief to justify blaming the
victim of rape. Meanwhile, the Harm/Care does not affect the significance towards victim
blaming in Indonesia. It can be hypothesised that because Indonesia is a conservative country,
meanwhile, this foundation tends to occur in a more liberal culture.
Another dismissed hypothesis is that the Purity/Sanctity Foundation and the Culture of
Honour which are not significantly correlate with victim blaming tendencies among Indonesians.
The Purity/Sanctity foundation is typically prevalent in conservative societies and is closely linked
to religious beliefs and moral boundaries (Adams et al., 2014). While Indonesians place great
importance on virginity and disapprove of premarital sex which is essential in the Purity/Sanctity
foundation (Crawford et al., 2014), victim blaming is seen as a moral boundary violation, which
is also often avoided by those with strong religious convictions. This may explain why the
Purity/Sanctity foundation does not correlate with the victim blaming culture in Indonesia.
Analysis of Victim Blaming Culture in Indonesia
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Moreover, the Honour Culture is another factor linked to victim blaming that was not
evident among the Indonesian participants in this research. Their earlier study, people in other
countries who follow the Honour Culture, particularly men in Mediterranean and West Asian
countries, often resort to violence to regain their dignity. However, Indonesians are more inclined
to adhere to their traditional and religious values by avoiding conflict and keeping themselves
silent to maintain their honour and moral standing (Magnis-Suseno, 1984). Therefore, it can be
assumed that a questionnaire focused on aggressive responses to resolve issues may not be
suitable for Indonesian participants, as they are more likely to remain silent rather than act
violently. Lastly, the result exhibits that the Ingroup/Loyalty decreased the victim blaming
tendency among participants. Thus, as the participants are mostly female, the result may indicate
the feeling of loyalty to other female victims to avoid betrayal.
Ultimately, this research provides a different worldview and promotes new insights into
the factors that underlie the occurrence of victim blaming, particularly in patriarchal and religious
societies that strongly adhere its own traditional culture (Adat) like Indonesia. It implies that the
approach to reduce the occurrence of victim blaming also must be differentiated from other
countries to create an appropriate solution that is suitable to the culture, values and religious
beliefs.
CONCLUSION
To summarise, victim blaming in sexual harassment cases is common in Indonesia, a
religious and patriarchal society with distinct gender roles. The main predictors are the
Acceptance of the Modern Myth of Sexual Aggression (AMMSA) and the Fairness/Reciprocity
foundation. Surprisingly, factors like the Authority/Subversion foundation and Belief in a Just
World, as well as The Honour Culture, the Purity/Sanctity foundations and the Harm/Care
foundation do not have a significant impact on the culture. The Ingroup/Loyalty foundation,
however, can decrease the possibility of the culture occurrence. Engaging stakeholders, such as
religious leaders and the media, could help change public perceptions. Future research should
use translated questionnaires to ensure clarity and accurate responses.
Nadhira Putri Maharani
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Volume 3, No. 12 December 2024
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